Lee Jae-myung's Approval Rating Drops to 36.3%, Controversy Over Power Shift Within Democratic Party

It was alleged that Han Dong-hoon's fan club 'With Hoon' led a petition drive to discipline Rep. Lee Jin-sook. This petition was restricted to members of the People Power Party. Commentator Park Sang-gyu characterized 'With Hoon''s petition as an act detrimental to the party, likening it to Rep. Cho Kyoung-tae's 'act of betrayal'.

It was reported that the petition calling for Rep. Lee Jin-sook's discipline had about 3,000 to 4,000 signatures, while the petition opposing discipline had 140,000 signatures, according to Rep. Lee Jin-sook herself. Some conservative YouTube channels claimed that if their combined figures were included, the anti-discipline petition would reach approximately 300,000 signatures. Commentator Park Sang-gyu emphasized the difference in scale, stating, "The number of people who opposed the call for disciplinary action against 'my Jae-myung,' as stated by Rep. Lee Jin-sook, is 140,000."

Reps. Cho Kyoung-tae and Han Ji-ah made remarks demanding disciplinary action against Rep. Lee Jin-sook. This drew criticism, with mentions of the lawmakers' past Democratic Party affiliations or family ties. Commentator Park Sang-gyu said, "They have DP DNA. Cho Kyoung-tae came from the DP, and this is a build-up for them to go to the DP again or to start their own party there." He argued that their actions could undermine the party's platform, which became a factor in escalating internal party conflict.

Along with the Democratic Party's call for Rep. Lee Jin-sook's discipline, the 'sanctification' of the May 18th Democratization Movement became a point of contention. Commentator Park Sang-gyu stated, "If you combine the two, they are now making May 18th a sacred area," criticizing excessive restrictions on speech related to May 18th. The case of Baejae High School baseball players who were disciplined and forced to give up their careers due to May 18th-related remarks was mentioned, highlighting a societal atmosphere where critical approaches to specific historical events are difficult.

Jeollabuk-do decided to pay 1.2 million won per year to each of the 723 bereaved families of Donghak Peasant Movement participants. This is a twofold increase from the previous 600,000 won per year. Commentator Park Sang-gyu stated, "Jeollabuk-do will pay 1.2 million won per year to each of the 723 bereaved families of Donghak Peasant Movement participants." The fact that even great-grandchildren are included as beneficiaries for an event that occurred 132 years ago has become a point of controversy.

Criticism was raised regarding the 860 million won budget allocated by Jeollabuk-do to compensate Donghak Peasant Movement bereaved families. Commentator Park Sang-gyu criticized, "No, they are giving this an award. And they are paying it with money. It costs 860 million won." He argued that this is unfair when compared to historical events in other regions or the Imjin War. He also emphasized the difficulty of accurately identifying and verifying records of bereaved families from an event 132 years ago.

Commentator Park Sang-gyu positively evaluated the historical commemoration of the Donghak Peasant Revolution itself but argued that budget support should be approached with caution. While acknowledging commemorative spaces like the Jeon Bong-jun statue at Bosingak in Seoul as positive, he categorized compensation payments focused on specific regions as political acts. He stated, "It's not that we shouldn't commemorate this. Please, Jeollabuk-do, don't try to solve this with money," warning against monetary support that could diminish historical significance.

A public opinion poll revealed that Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung's approval rating for state affairs has fallen to 36.3%, with negative evaluations surpassing 60%. Commentator Park Sang-gyu emphasized the declining trend in approval ratings, stating, "Negative evaluations have now just exceeded 60%. Positive evaluations are 36.3%. This is the first time that PenN's poll has shown a rating starting with 3." A decline in support was observed across all age groups, including those in their 20s and 30s.

A reversal in the approval ratings of the People Power Party and the Democratic Party occurred. According to a PenNMike poll, the People Power Party recorded 41.7% and the Democratic Party 38.8%, with the People Power Party leading. Commentator Park Sang-gyu noted, "The party approval ratings of the People Power Party and the Democratic Party have flipped. This is a flipped result even in the PenN poll," evaluating the People Power Party's rise in approval ratings since the Jang Dong-hyuk system. This result appears to coincide with the overall decline in the Democratic Party's approval ratings.

Criticism of 'subtraction politics' and 'privatization' continued against Han Dong-hoon and Oh Se-hoon, among others, regarding issues such as the method of selecting local party chapter chairpersons, intensifying internal party friction. Commentator Park Sang-gyu rebutted, "How can party reform, especially electing local chapter chairpersons through party member votes, be linked to privatization?" He pointed out the disagreement over the party leader's authority and party reform. This controversy served as a major factor in exacerbating internal party conflict. He strongly criticized the claim that electing local party chapter chairpersons through party member votes is linked to privatization.

The results of this Democratic Party convention vote showed a significant gap, with 534 to 467 votes. Commentator Park Sang-gyu stated, "The vote count from this convention was 534 to 467. Much of that difference was due to the Gwangju-Jeonnam semiconductor issue," analyzing that opposition from the Gwangju and Jeonnam regions significantly influenced the outcome. These results became an opportunity for the presence of Yoo Si-min and the non-mainstream faction to be expressed within the party. It is interpreted that dissatisfaction with the insufficient reflection of Honam public sentiment during Lee Jae-myung's presidential candidate selection process was reflected in the votes. Despite Lee Jae-myung's overwhelming victory, the convention results showed the potential for the consolidation of non-mainstream forces within the party.

Allegations were raised that Lee Jae-myung intervened in the election of Rep. Kim Min-seok. It was claimed that the day before the start of the Honam party member vote, Lee Jae-myung mentioned an 800 trillion won semiconductor investment in Gwangju and Jeonnam and the relocation of the Gwangju military airport, thereby bolstering Kim Min-seok's candidacy. Commentator Park Sang-gyu stated, "But who else helped? Lee Jae-myung helped again. The day before the Honam party member vote began, he strongly pushed the 800 trillion won Gwangju-Jeonnam semiconductor issue. He also demanded the immediate relocation of the Gwangju military airport. He got him elected that way. In short, he made Chung Cheong-rae lose." He argued that Lee Jae-myung supported Kim Min-seok to defeat Chung Cheong-rae.

Criticism arose within the Democratic Party over the proliferation of long and questionably effective party position titles, such as 'Alley Friday Night Politics, Alley Public Sentiment Chairperson'. Rep. Kim Min-seok was pointed out for overusing such titles, and Rep. Park Jie-won's self-deprecating remark, '80, Neungchanbong (envelope worthy of dismemberment),' was mentioned. Commentator Park Sang-gyu said, "He posted with some embarrassment that he was appointed as some 'Alley Friday Night Politics, Alley Public Sentiment Chairperson'... He said he became '80, Neungchanbong.' He means he's embarrassed himself," raising questions about the lengthy names and effectiveness of party positions.

Rep. Kim Min-seok urged lawmakers to be cautious in making remarks that could affect the entire party during a 'sensitive period,' attempting to control the discourse. Commentator Park Sang-gyu said, "Because it's a sensitive period, be careful with remarks that affect the entire party. Kim Min-seok is very angry now. He said that to Yoo Si-min, but he also warned the others," analyzing that this was an attempt to consolidate internal unity in relation to Yoo Si-min's criticism. It appears that Rep. Kim Min-seok's anxiety following his election and the decline in approval ratings was expressed through these warnings.

It was asserted that a real power shift occurred within the Democratic Party as Rep. Kim Min-seok gained control over nominations for the next general election. Commentator Park Sang-gyu emphasized, "The fact that Kim Min-seok has the nomination rights for the next general election means power has shifted. Democratic Party lawmakers, though not explicitly stating it, see the person who will give them the badge as the boss. In that sense, Lee Jae-myung is not the boss. Kim Min-seok is the new boss. He's the new oyabun." He argued that Lee Jae-myung is no longer the boss and Kim Min-seok has emerged as the 'new boss.' The influence of the power broker was also confirmed through Rep. Lee Hae-sik's remarks. This suggests that the Democratic Party's power structure is being reorganized.

Rep. Kim Min-seok expressed opposition to the appointment of In Yo-han as the President of the Korean Red Cross. Commentator Park Sang-gyu stated, "Is that really a quick change? Now, it's retaliation. I don't think In Yo-han necessarily needs to be the president of the Korean Red Cross. But they promised, didn't they? Do you know what that's called in two words? 'Petty', that's what it is," criticizing Rep. Kim Min-seok's argument. In Yo-han's conservative party background and Honam origins were also mentioned, and the act of breaking a promise was directly criticized as 'petty.' This was presented as an example illustrating the complex political dynamics surrounding In Yo-han's appointment. It was also suggested that Rep. Kim Min-seok's opposing argument could be interpreted as retaliatory rather than simply opposing the individual.