Presidential Approval Rating 36% vs 50%, What's the Issue?

She stated that even during times as a minority opposition party with few seats, the Democratic Party consistently engaged in activities that involved sweating and shedding tears with the public in their daily lives.

She pointed out that politics solely focused on ideological clarity is merely instigation for internal party hegemony, and such an approach cannot win the hearts of the people.

Reporter Heo Jae-hyun stated that the approval rating among swing voters plummeted by 31 percentage points, from 72% in the third week of March to 41%. In contrast, the approval rating among progressive voters decreased by only 6 percentage points, remaining relatively stable.

The biggest reason for this defection among swing voters was identified as dissatisfaction with real estate policies. In particular, negative perceptions of real estate policies are analyzed to have spread significantly among swing voters.

She argued that their critical remarks negatively impacted the party atmosphere right after the convention.

This led to the argument that the progressive forces failed to unite and instead fostered internal division, thus failing to consolidate their support base.

Despite official announcements regarding supplementary investigation cases, the anxieties of female voters were not alleviated.

Furthermore, the dissatisfaction rate with real estate policies reportedly surged from 8% in March to 27% currently. These two issues are analyzed to be the main reasons for the alienation of female voters, especially those in the swing-voter demographic.

The decline in support from female swing voters significantly impacted the overall approval rating and is interpreted as a critical shift in public sentiment beyond a mere change in the support base.

It is suggested that the Korea Information Research survey, conducted during daytime hours, might have had a low response rate from certain demographics like office workers.

He explained that the MBS survey, conducted over three days including after work hours, was able to reflect the opinions of a more diverse range of demographics.

Therefore, he emphasized that when judging the reliability of public opinion poll results, detailed factors such as the polling agency's method and the survey time slot should be considered.

The Democratic Party side pointed out that even when the progressive demographic was oversampled in the past, approval ratings remained at 44%, leading to a dispute over statistical interpretation and whether commentaries were data-driven.

She argued that such actions would have felt violent to many party members attending the convention.

She pointed out that the broadcasts of Kim Eo-jun and writer Yoo Si-min were pushing supporters towards extreme actions, diagnosing that the discrepancy between belief and reality leads to such extreme behavior.

This assessment is based on the judgment that he recognizes the correct direction the Democratic Party should take.

She declared alternative support for leader Kim Min-seok's approach over that of Yoo Si-min and Kim Eo-jun, expressing an expectation that Kim Min-seok could serve as the Democratic Party's centripetal force.

Leader Kim Min-seok is scheduled to appear at 7 AM.

He stated that the video showed National Assembly members bowing to the public, not solely to leader Kim Min-seok.

He suggested the possibility that writer Yoo Si-min might have misunderstood critical articles from conservative media, leading to incorrect claims. He argued that interpreting a 90-degree bow to the public as 'dumbing down' or 'barbarism' is inappropriate.

This criticism implies that writer Yoo Si-min commented based on fragmentary scenes without grasping the full context of the video.

A question was raised as to whether it is appropriate to criticize a humble attitude towards the public.

The interviewee stated that candidate Kim Young-nam originally had no intention of running in the by-election and initially tried to pursue unification with candidate Cho Kuk. However, it was alleged that Representative Jeong Cheong-rae prevented this unification from concluding.

This raises suspicions that Representative Jeong Cheong-rae intervened in the nomination process to block the unification of a specific candidate, alongside a caution that making claims of nomination intervention without investigation is risky.

The interviewee presented the example of former Chief of Staff Im Jong-seok during the Moon Jae-in administration, who led the resignation of then-Justice Minister nominee Ahn Gyeong-hwan without presidential approval.

The argument was made that if the same critical standard were applied, writer Yoo Si-min should have also criticized former Chief of Staff Im Jong-seok's actions in the past.

They cited the case of the 2005 Uri Party chairman election when then-Chairman Moon Hee-sang explicitly said 'It's Roh Moo-hyun' while running the election.

The interviewee highlighted that writer Yoo Si-min, who was part of the leadership at the time, did not criticize such party affairs intervention then, emphasizing the current criticism as a double standard.

It was underscored that writer Yoo Si-min remained silent despite controversy that President Roh Moo-hyun's will, or 'Roh's sentiment,' significantly influenced Chairman Moon Hee-sang's election.

He is dangerous.' Former lawmaker Lee Bu-young and others have already publicly criticized writer Yoo Si-min's conduct.

It was conveyed that social elders plan to come forward in turn through media interviews to criticize writer Yoo Si-min's words and actions.

He sharply remarked that political responsibility lies with the president who pioneers the path, whether through expansion or reconstruction, not with a sidelines coach.