Missouri Trans Fight Erupts as Court Weighs Press Ban

The order gave the Trump administration until 12:30 Eastern to submit its concerns about allowing the reporters back in — roughly 27 minutes from the moment the segment aired.

A reporter described tapping a badge at the press pass security hut and entering a PIN as always. The pad flashed red. Secret Service ran it again and, in the reporter's account, said it was "still being disabled."

Whether that amounts to defiance of the court order, incompetence, or a lag in updating press badges is not clear from the account given on air.

On air, CNN put it that the White House may be in defiance of this court order.

The temporary restraining order came just after 1:00 a.m. A DOJ filing for the White House cited multiple national security leaks given to these outlets as justification.

Kolvet's answer to the access fight is that Real America's Voice stepped into the breach and provides the pool feed of the White House to media outlets worldwide at no charge.

Blake Neff described starting out with no strong opinion — he "knew they deserved it" — and then growing more passionate about it as the fight went on.

The hosts' argument is that journalists treat themselves as a priestly set-aside class deserving of kid gloves, special treatment and privilege.

They also call the press coverage catnip: front page news day in and day out while the outlets are kept out.

Kolvet endorsed Trump, Susie Wiles and everyone behind the decision, saying they should be put in their place. He cited 92% negative coverage even when billions in fraud is eliminated and asked whether that is propaganda.

According to Neff, he and Kolvet cannot walk into the White House whenever they want — you have to basically be invited.

Kolvet's response was that the DOJ filing cited multiple national security leaks as the justification for the ban.

The hosts framed the dispute as a legal question of whether journalists have an inalienable right to the nerve center of power.

Kolvet's read is that the people love it, and he called it the most popular thing online the Trump administration has done recently.

He linked the same dynamic to ICE agents being accosted and attacked on the streets, blaming what he called these propagandists.

Neff recalled watching CNN around the 25th anniversary of 9/11 and seeing what he called new heights of ridiculously propagandistic chyrons — one example he cited was "President Trump refuses to apologize for lies."

Kolvet said the hosts want to hear from the audience and floated a question: if the judge orders them back in, should the administration defy the judge? He asked whether this is where they finally push back against what he called the black robe regime and their tyranny.

Blake's reaction to the whole saga was "let it be defiance" rather than mere incompetence.

Kolvet called kratom a horrible Russia drug that you can buy legally at a gas station, with a word to listeners: avoid it like the plague.

A friend got totally hooked on it.

In his account, kratom is hitting young people especially.

The individual had been there for a couple of hours, nearly from the beginning, Winnings said, so he called them up to the mic himself — asking why they didn't have the courage to come say something — and they would not.

A group of fraternity guys from the University of Missouri then intervened. Winnings identified them as the ones behind the viral video from when Trump was elected, and believes the house is Sigma Nu. Some of their members came forward and called the individual out on the mic.

Winnings used that momentum to call the person forward, and they came.

The protester wore a freedom t-shirt with blood on the left side, which the hosts described as mocking how Charlie Kirk was killed.

Winnings' framing was gratitude: as dark as it feels sometimes, he has hope because there are real patriots, real God-fearing, god-loving people on those campuses to back them up.

Winnings read the encounter as pure mocking. No threats, no threatening emotions or movements, and nothing particularly threatening.

His approach balances accountability, compassion and mercy all at once. Beneath the facade of a human is a person God deeply cares about.

He described delivering a direct truth — telling someone he believes the way they think is sad and that they are a sick person — while pointing them back to Christ as the one who can change the heart. That, in his words, is the real victory.

He dismissed the appearance as 90 seconds of fame and confirmed the person had a pretty dark past.

Winnings has done almost 50 campuses, if not more, in the last two years. This was the first one where he felt tension happening in the spiritual world — while insisting he felt no fear or panic.

The events are drawing 3, 4, 500 people, credit he gave to God. The other side is coming out in droves to make their presence known.

He asked for prayer and for campus security to do their job.

Andrew's own post caption read "We are in a spiritual war," and according to Winnings, the team's wives at home say the same thing and feel something shifted this semester, specifically yesterday.

The clip comes from Bo Diddle, identified as a TPUSA front-lines reporter, filmed in Idaho — described as another conservative place.

The heckler does an impersonation of Charlie Kirk and says "Gang violence." He tells the reporter he'll give him a bottle "so you can freeze and come dump it on my own grave when I die," and references "your Jim Crow Jesus and your Turning Point USA."

The hosts said the man and his spouse or partner are actual Satanists in Idaho, and referenced a photo described as showing the pair wearing devil horns.

Winnings said he is not surprised, and distinguished the demonic from the ordinary: true Satanism is not the worship of Satan as a devil — that is a small percentage — but worship of self, which is on display.

Sheen was described as a huge television preacher with a weekly audience of about 30 million in the 1950s. The hosts floated "Life Is Worth Living" as the name of his program.

In the clip, Sheen's targets were muggers, dope fiends, throat slashers, beatniks, prostitutes, homosexuals and punks. He is also quoted as calling John Steinbeck a slob and a pervert.

According to Jack Bobic, Sheen was extremely anti-communist and spoke out against the dangers of the Soviet Union — including on his radio show during World War II.

Because of that, J. Edgar Hoover opened an investigation of Sheen while the United States was allied with the Soviets.

Sheen framed communism as opposition to Christianity, to God, and to the idea of natural rights.

Bobik tied Sheen's cultural criticism to Lolita and to literature he considered degenerate.

Sheen called the 60s and 70s the end of Christendom — meaning the end of Christianity's influence on public culture, politics and media.

A 2026 Amendment 3 fight would write those limits into the state constitution.

Winnings frames the fight as a culture war over children, sex, and who gets to rewrite reality.

The segment ran from 58:11 to 1:12:39 of the show.

Andrew Kolvet and Blake Neff hosted, with Winnings joining as guest.

The guest's case starts with Trump 45: the cabinet was not fully aligned personally, politically or on agenda with the president.

He cited Defense Secretary Mattis contradicting Trump — the president saying one thing in the morning, his secretary of defense contradicting him in the afternoon. That contradiction, in his account, was consistent across the government virtually.

In Trump 47, the same guest said, Chinese negotiators breaking into groups with Treasury, State or the Pentagon will meet people whose deals stick because they are aligned with the president.

Xi brought a delegation of about 20 CEOs, including a lithium battery company called Goan and the Bank of China. The parallel drawn was that Trump brought his CEOs and Xi brought his — "they came here to do business."

The reporting guest was Neil McCabe, outside the White House, with Terrence anchoring.

The guest conceded the long-term trend: college-educated people moving to the eastern side of Kansas, and the Kansas City suburbs growing out and getting bluer.

His counter-evidence was a past Kansas Senate race — 2018, he said, then wavered between 2022 and 2018 — where an independent running as a Democrat was up significantly and everyone called it a tossup.

Marshall's stated problems, per the guest: he has no campaign manager and is using his chief of staff to run the campaign.

The talk in Kansas, the guest said, is that Marshall doesn't live there — that he lives primarily in Florida and has a PO box. His verdict was that those are two big hits Marshall has to swing out and beat.

He contrasted Marshall's effort with Ashley Henson and Dan Sullivan in Alaska, who he said are running really hard, and said Marshall is not running that aggressively and needs to.

The host credited JD's push for peace with Iran as center cut and very popular, and said his numbers went up immediately after.

Vance was described as a champion of the president's agenda while putting some daylight between himself and more controversial issues.

The guest said JD has been the biggest advocate for these Republicans, working his tail off and going everywhere.

His complaint was about the top of the ticket: no messaging from the president even on job numbers, which he called pretty decent — "we're not even getting that."

The closing framing was that this is a messaging issue, not a results issue, and that generational wins need to be touted. Concessions listed along the way included the Iran win and the Epstein story weighing the party down.

McIntyre called the propositional nation idea completely ridiculous.

He called Ramirez a paperwork American whose parents were, in his words, illegals from Guatemala.

He said birthright citizenship is not a real thing and not the intent of the 14th amendment's drafters.

His claim is that the left knows a nation is its people while the right does not. He argued that if she represents you in an American democracy, then you have an international invasion parading around as representative government.

Kirk played a clip of Ramirez saying in Spanish that she is more proud to be Guatemalan than American.

Kirk translated the clip as Ramirez saying she will abolish DHS so that "our people" will no longer have to live in fear.

His response was that if you are American, your people do not live in fear from DHS, because you are American and DHS is only aimed at non-Americans.

From that he concluded she is categorically stating that her people, her nationality, is outside of America.

Ramirez's bill would abolish ICE and dismantle DHS.

In the clip Kolvet played, Kirk's answer was someone who has demonstrated through objective measurements and markers that this is home — that you're willing to die, that you are all-in.

The clip also had Kirk saying this is not a dumping ground for the third world and not a social experiment.

Kirk's closing line in the clip was that an American is more than just someone who has a US passport.

Kolvet named his friend John Doyle as the one responding to the clip.

Blake Neff had just been on Jeremy's podcast.

Kolvet said the point was not an attack on Jeremy but a highlight of an ongoing debate on the right about what to make of this.

He said as much directly: this is nothing against Jeremy, it just shows the debate the right is having.

McIntyre cited what he called the classic Aquinas doctrine on immigration and assimilation as three generations.

His claim is that you are not really part of a country until your children and grandchildren have intermarried, adopted the faith, and taken on the language and folk ways.

In his formulation, you don't get to walk onto the soil and magically become an American, but your great-grandchildren can be.

Kolvet read a Google figure that three generations span roughly 75 to 90 years, and concluded that when we talk about immigration moratoriums, maybe we should start there.

The segment closed with Kolvet thanking McIntyre and saying they will be back tomorrow.