Kim Min-seok, Jung Chung-rae Clash Over 'Shincheonji Connection' Ahead of Convention

Park pointed out that Kim had cited his own past warnings about martial law in criticizing Yoo's remarks. Park questioned why Kim, who had earlier argued in the National Assembly that the risks of martial law and insurrection should be inferred and abandoned, cannot place Yoo's remarks in the same context. Park expressed puzzlement that Kim, who is not generally regarded as lacking literacy or intelligence, would use such a framing.

He criticized the use of a framing that forces a binary choice between 'anti-Lee' and 'pro-Lee' in a leadership race, even though the candidate says he wants to become the ruling party leader for the success of the Lee Jae-myung government. He argued that this framing does not reflect on former minister Yoo Si-min's remarks but instead forces a simple choice.

He stressed that for the government to succeed, it must win public support to make its policies work and, on that basis, win the general and presidential elections to create a democratic government. However, he said the current approach is costing public support and leading to extreme demands such as 'don't watch the News Factory,' 'abolish the Wednesday show,' and 'lock up Yoo Si-min.' He criticized the lack of discussion about how to build a majority, and argued that the president's popularity is being used to expand the power of certain factions, with reform issues such as prosecutorial reform being attacked as a tool. He analyzed that claims such as 'full abolition of investigative powers' are being raised because there is no clear pretext for attacking the president. He lamented that voters are being misled and divided.

He questioned why the Blue House, which might be expected to say something about dragging the president into the election, has had no reaction. This is read as an expression of concern that the leadership race is being portrayed as connected to the president.

He explained that the convention should be a venue for healthy competition among factions within the party, and that the president should stand above the party leader as a figure who can unite them after the competition. However, he expressed concern that once the president is drawn into the convention as at present, it becomes unclear who will lead reconciliation and who will become the center that unites everyone after the convention.

This relates to the 'Jung Chung-rae candidate photo manipulation allegation' that arose during the recent Democratic Party convention process.

Park stressed that it was not manipulated and explained the allegation. The controversy appears to have emerged as part of the negative campaigning against Jung Chung-rae during the Democratic Party leadership race.

Park added that such claims are spreading online.

This suggests public opinion is forming in the direction that the Shincheonji connection allegation surrounding Jung Chung-rae is untrue.

Park Si-young firmly stated that legal action will be taken this week over the spread of false claims. He warned that there will be no leniency toward those involved, especially Park Seon-won and Kim Yong. Park said he had called and tried to talk with them, but saw no sign of remorse. He stressed that supporting Jung Chung-rae is a free political act, but fabricating it as a scheme or manipulation and spreading false facts is unacceptable. He announced that civil and criminal complaints will be filed not only against Park Seon-won and Kim Yong, but also against the related lawmakers and YouTubers.

He noted that Kim had mostly led earlier, but for the past two weeks Jung has held first place in the ARS poll for two consecutive weeks. He saw the 'anti-Myung Shincheonji' issue as the most powerful one, and said that Jung's lack of a clear rebuttal fueled the negative campaigning. He explained that in TV debates Kim delivered speeches with an angry expression rather than presenting policy alternatives, and that this combination may have spread sympathy for Jung. He said there is a perception among voters that Jung is being beaten up this badly, and asked whether that is right or justified.

He pointed out that although many regions have been announced so far, that is only about 30% of the total votes. The remaining 30% will be filled by general opinion polls, and he said that for the party-member survey, the vote counts from two large regions, Seoul and Honam, remain. He forecast that Kim Min-seok is likely to benefit in Honam and Jung Chung-rae in Seoul, so the vote gap in these two regions will play a very important role in the final result.

He explained that low turnout could work in favor of a candidate strong in 'organized voting,' meaning voting driven by organizational strength. This is read as meaning that organized party members supporting a particular candidate are more likely to participate actively in voting. He therefore forecast that if turnout is low, Kim Min-seok's organizational strength could show its effect.

He warned that if Jung Chung-rae becomes party leader, the situation of the past year will continue, and if the president wavers like minister Yoo Si-min, no one will check it, weakening state management. He stressed that the important tasks the government and party must pursue over the remaining four years, a mega project starting in Honam to save South Korea, could all be shaken, and warned of this. In response, Jo Su-jin criticized the remark as threatening voters. He said it should not create anxiety and fear, as if the Gwangju semiconductor cluster will fail if Jung becomes leader. He added that party members will not be swayed by such remarks, and that the strategy actually costs him in terms of vote-gathering.

He said the president need not be concerned about such meetings. Had the meeting been held in Honam, it could have drawn comments depending on one's viewpoint, but since it was held at the Blue House, he predicted that Honam residents would instead feel reassured. This appears intended to dispel suspicion that the president's state management is trying to influence the intra-party election.

This reading holds that disappointment with the Democrats has drawn back the People Power Party's existing supporters who had temporarily drifted to the unaffiliated camp. It suggests that the Democratic Party's situation, rather than the People Power Party's own appeal or policies, has played a role in lifting its support.

He noted that the opposition sees the remark as coming from the argument that the fiscal problem began during Lee Jae-myung's term as governor and is not Kim Dong-yeon's problem. Hong added that this argument amounts to a kind of 'anti-Myung frame.' This suggests that factional conflict within the Democratic Party is extending even to comments about fiscal issues.

Jo Su-jin said Kim Min-seok has recently changed his speech approach. He positively assessed that he has cut back on the 'Shincheonji' remarks he frequently made before and now speaks mainly in terms of vision and policy. This is interpreted as a strategic shift, as the race enters its final stretch, toward showing the candidate's own competitiveness rather than negative campaigning. How voters will read this change is worth watching.