ASMR on Ancient Korean History with Professor Ahn Jung-jun

The Samguk Yusa record includes the supernatural phenomenon of Hwanung choosing a bear over a tiger and marrying Ungnyeo, through which the early form of the Dangun myth can be glimpsed, he explained.

The confrontation between the bear and the tiger reflects the power relations between the two tribes at the time, and the process of the bear becoming human can be interpreted as the meaning of maturing into a member of the group through an initiation ceremony.

Initially, it had a strong religious character, but as society developed, its political character was diluted, and solidarity was strengthened by emphasizing the sacredness of the royal family. This process played an important role in establishing the authority of the ruling class and achieving social integration.

The lack of a confirmed central region limits understanding of Gojoseon society, with its territory indirectly estimated through artifacts such as slim bronze daggers and Misong-ni style pottery. This uncertainty remains a major challenge in Gojoseon research.

This claim contrasts with the existing theory of a Liaoning-centered Gojoseon, suggesting a significant turning point in Gojoseon's history. It is a crucial part of understanding Gojoseon's geographical and political changes after this period.

This can be indirectly confirmed by the location of the Lelang Commandery established afterward. Records of Emperor Wu of Han's expedition in the 'Records of the Grand Historian: Account of Joseon' also support the importance of the Pyeongyang area.

While the Dangun myth states it was founded in Pyeongyang, the actual history suggests a possible shift in its center. The lack of concrete evidence, such as the discovery of royal or ruling class tombs, keeps the debate ongoing.

The 'Records of the Grand Historian: Account of Joseon' is written from a Han Dynasty-centric perspective, making it likely a one-sided account. The Han Dynasty's ambition for eastern expansion and its checking of Gojoseon's independent expansion likely combined to lead to war. This is an important factor in understanding Gojoseon's position within the East Asian international situation at the time.

The ancestors of the existing residents of the Gojoseon region were Dangun Wanggeom, so the new ruling class needed an ideology to establish their authority. This story was added later, unrelated to the Dangun myth, and is interpreted as having been created for political purposes. This interpretation offers a critical perspective on the background and intentions of historical records.

The 'Weishu' describes the origin of Goguryeo as branching from Buyeo, depicting conflicts between Jumong, who was born from an egg, and the Buyeo royal family. A comparison of these two records shows how Goguryeo perceived its own identity and how it was recorded externally, suggesting that founding myths are not simple stories but carry political messages.

This is a common characteristic not only of Jumong but also of the founding ancestors of Geumgwan Gaya, King Suro, and Silla's Park Hyeokgeose. Goguryeo is analyzed to have adopted elements similar to the Buyeo founding myth for the political purpose of securing legitimacy by absorbing the traditions of the powerful neighboring state, Buyeo.

After Goguryeo gained control of the Buyeo region in the 4th century, it was a strategic political decision to absorb Buyeo's authority and traditions to strengthen their own legitimacy. While it might be considered plagiarism from a modern perspective, the Goguryeo ruling class at the time likely considered it politically essential to adopt the narratives of well-known powers. This approach shows that founding myths are not mere legends but products reflecting the political interests of ancient states.

Jumong's marriage to Lady Ye when he lived in Buyeo and his remarriage to Soseono after moving south contain various political reasons. Approaching these events not as isolated incidents but by making assumptions to understand their historical context encourages the expansion of historical thinking. It is important to provide readers with opportunities to think for themselves within history by posing various questions, similar to the 'Expand Your Thinking' section in textbooks.

According to the 'Samguk Yusa: Wangnyeok pyeon', Goguryeo's 2nd King Yuri, 3rd King Daemusin, and 4th King Minjung used the surname Hae, not Go. This raises questions about the genealogy from Jumong to King Gwanggaeto the Great, casting doubt on the credibility of the Samguk Sagi's royal lineage. The fact that the records for the first five kings are more mythological than factual is an important consideration for understanding early Goguryeo history. This highlights the need to critically interpret ancient records.

In the early days of Goguryeo, small stone mounds were constructed in the Hwanin region, but after the capital moved to Guknaeseong, stone-carving techniques developed and tombs became larger. This shows that Goguryeo, initially a weak state unable to control surrounding forces, gradually grew, which can be confirmed through archaeological artifacts. Archaeological evidence reveals the actual situation of Goguryeo at the time better than written records.

Unlike Baekje or Silla, Goguryeo expanded its territory in all directions from the middle reaches of the Yalu River, constantly competing with Chinese forces. This competition became the driving force for Goguryeo to quickly adopt advanced knowledge and weapon systems and build a powerful military. Furthermore, by establishing an advanced governance system and a Hanja-based national structure early on, it also demonstrated strong cultural and intellectual aspects. These factors contributed to making Goguryeo the most powerful state among the Three Kingdoms.

Baekje's initial name, 'Sipje,' meant that ten ministers founded the nation together. However, as its power grew, the name changed to 'Baekje,' indicating that its territory and influence had expanded to control 100 ferries. Like Goguryeo, Baekje also adopted Buyeo as its surname, emphasizing the Buyeo clan as their legitimacy. This change in national name symbolically represents Baekje's growth process and suggests that ancient state names were not merely names but carried political and social meanings.

Early records of Silla contain a strong mythical content, limiting objective factual verification. Therefore, an archaeological approach is most effective in understanding how Silla was actually formed and who its constituent forces were. Archaeologists estimate that the early Silla founding forces were the wooden coffin groups that existed from the late 2nd century BCE to the early 1st century BCE, interpreting the Park, Seok, and Kim families as having either migrated from outside or combined with indigenous forces.

A tomb epitaph for Kim In-mun, Kim Chunchu's second son, records the origin of the Kim clan as being connected to Shaohao, one of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors from Chinese legend. This is an intriguing part that shows how ancient states intentionally inserted new mythical narratives to secure legitimacy and authority in their relations with external powers. It is interpreted that the Silla ruling class used a strategy to connect their lineage with more sacred and universal beings.

Yeon Gaesomun's seizure of power was an event that broke the centuries-old political customs of Goguryeo. By completely destroying the existing ruling class's solidarity and power-sharing system and unilaterally seizing power, severe divisions occurred within Goguryeo. This internal strife became a major reason for the inability to effectively defend against the allied forces of Silla and Tang. Baekje also fell due to weakened internal cohesion caused by succession disputes and betrayal by subordinates. In both nations, internal conflicts were significant factors that made them vulnerable to external threats.