Will Park Geun-hye return to politics? Will Lee Jae-myung bounce back?

Cha said he will be traveling to Japan for a personal matter involving an acquaintance. He described this as the first weekday break in the show's five-year history and announced a special broadcast on Sunday to make up for the gap.

Cha Myung-jin interpreted the move as an act of occupation aimed at diverting attention from the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol and Lee's own legal risks. He read the refusal as part of the Democratic Party's push to impeach Supreme Court justices and expand the court by 24 seats, arguing that the party is openly revealing its intention to take control of the judiciary.

Cha Myung-jin analyzed that the Supreme Court, given its current composition with many conservative justices, intends to hand down a guilty verdict when it hears Lee's case. The situation has drawn political criticism over the principles of judicial independence and the separation of powers.

Cha pointed to a past case in which the Democratic Party denounced acting Prime Minister Han Duck-soo as 'complicit in insurrection' for delaying certain appointments, and highlighted the contradiction with the current situation. He criticized the Democratic Party for feeling no legal or moral guilt in refusing to co-sign Chief Justice Cho's nomination. He also faulted the People Power Party for failing to fight forcefully against this double standard.

Lawmaker Lee Jin-sook and others have called for the list to be released, alleging that gangsters, thugs, and vagrants were included among the recipients. Cha argued that if people who were at home or doing other jobs during May 18 can be designated as merit recipients, then how can May 18 be called pure, and insisted the truth must be revealed by publishing the list.

It was argued that investigation, a task requiring a high degree of expertise, can only be properly carried out by prosecutors. Cha questioned the expertise and sense of responsibility of police investigators and warned that this could lead to a broader decline in public trust in the police. He stressed that, given the complexity and importance of investigations, the role of the prosecution is essential.

Public officials who took part in carrying out martial law have been judged differently depending on whether they later changed their positions. Figures such as Kwak Jong-gun and Hong Jang-won, who said martial law was wrong, are being hailed as heroes, while those who maintain they faithfully carried out the president's orders have become targets of criticism. In particular, Special Mission Unit Commander Kim Heon-tae's defense of martial law as 'enlightenment' can be read as a reaction against the left's effort to label martial law an insurrection and use it for political ends.

By agreeing with the claim that 'martial law was not insurrection but enlightenment,' the argument goes, supporters seek to redefine the character of that martial law and gain the upper hand in an ideological contest. Apart from questions of right and wrong, this can be seen as part of a political framing battle over the historical assessment of martial law.

Lee Jae-myung's camp is hoping for a reversal in approval ratings, citing cases such as the Moon Jae-in government's COVID-19 response, the Kim Dae-jung government's inter-Korean summits, and the Kim Young-sam government's real-name financial system. Pointing to Gallup polls, they stress that past reversals have happened and argue they too can rebound. Skeptics, however, doubt that these precedents apply to Lee's situation.

Criticism has been raised that the 'Honam semiconductor' plan has practical limits. Cha warned that pursuing it would carry enormous opportunity costs and could undermine the industrial base of existing semiconductor clusters, including Yongin in Gyeonggi Province. He also raised doubts about feasibility, citing pressure for overseas investment such as from the United States and the difficulty of dispersing corporate resources.

Cha said that Moon Jae-in, Kim Dae-jung, and Kim Young-sam saw natural fluctuations during their terms, with occasional brief rises, whereas Lee's expectations turned into disappointment within a year of taking office, causing a steep fall in approval. He argued that Lee's lack of preparation and decisiveness would make a rebound impossible.

President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval collapsed amid his conflict with former leader Lee Jun-seok, and President Roh Moo-hyun's fell amid a split with the Dongiyo faction of the Democratic Party. By contrast, former President Lee Myung-bak was able to recover because his drop was caused by an external crisis, the mad cow disease protests. Cha diagnosed Lee Jae-myung's early plunge as stemming from the Democratic Party leadership interference, conflict with the pro-Moon faction, and efforts to monopolize power, which betrayed expectations both before and after he took office.

Criticism has been raised over the president citing a decline in suicides as an achievement. Cha questioned whether the decline in suicides actually happened, and whether, even if it did, it resulted from any symbolic political act or policy effort by the president. He argued that simply claiming credit because suicides fell during one's term reflects a lack of judgment about causal relationships in policy.

The argument is that this generation considers its own views unquestionably right, treats May 18 as sacred and as an ideological base, and that this attitude provokes resistance among younger people. Cha strongly criticized measures such as granting regular employment conversions to people simply because they belonged to the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, calling for an end to such privileges and dismissing this kind of vote-seeking as socialist thinking. He criticized youth housing supply policies in the same vein.

Cha described it as an infighting over positions between Lee Jae-myung and other forces within the Democratic Party, no different from the power struggle in which Stalin fought over Lenin's successor. He argued that the People Power Party has failed to grasp and respond to the reality of this internal leftist conflict.

Strong criticism has been directed at a JoongAng Ilbo report interpreting former President Park Geun-hye's remarks. The paper reported that Park called for direct elections for district party chairs, but Cha characterized this as a distorted report that stirs internal division. He argued that a major Korean press outlet is distorting facts in this way and expressed distrust of the media.

An assessment holds that former President Park Geun-hye's stance has shifted from calling for unity around the major parties to a position that the opposition must band together and fight. Cha analyzed that after power, impeachment, imprisonment, and a reclusive life, Park came to hold a clear message that there can be no compromise with the left and that they must fight. He assessed that this change goes beyond mere unity, emphasizing 'trust among comrades' and 'struggle,' and will greatly contribute to establishing the People Power Party's identity and restoring its honor.

This is expected to lead to a 'rediscovery of Park Geun-hye' and to establish the People Power Party clearly as the opposition. Cha added that mainstream media such as Chosun Ilbo and JoongAng Ilbo now have grounds that make her words difficult to deny.

Taken together with her recent remarks, an analysis holds that former President Park clearly intends to return to politics. Cha argued that if Park holds firm convictions, she should engage in politics to realize them. He said a return would require allies to enter the National Assembly and form a political force rather than acting alone, and also mentioned the need for figures such as Woo Byung-woo to enter politics.

Cha reiterated the revised schedule to viewers and promised to return with a special broadcast next Sunday evening.