US and China Escalate Space & AI Competition

A new phase of strategic competition between the United States and China is unfolding above Earth, driven by advancements in military space technology, satellite networks, and artificial intelligence. On September 14, US Secretary of the Air Force Troy Mike made an unusually direct disclosure about American capabilities in orbit. Speaking at the 2026 Airspace and Cyber Conference in Maryland, Mike publicly confirmed that the US Space Force now operates what he described as "on-orbit space control weapons."

However, the exact nature of these systems remains classified; Washington has not publicly identified their number, design, launch dates, or specific targets. The broad military category of space control encompasses various capabilities, including electronic interference, communications disruption, and other methods for protecting friendly satellites.

Aircraft, ships, drones, and precision-guided weapons all depend on information moving through orbital systems. Consequently, any attempt to disable these networks could significantly affect military operations thousands of kilometers away without directly attacking conventional ground targets.

US military officials have consistently highlighted threats to American satellites, citing electronic warfare, ground-based anti-satellite capabilities, and maneuverable spacecraft as evidence of increased risks during major conflicts. Reuters has also reported that both Washington and Beijing are developing increasingly sophisticated technologies for operating, maneuvering, and potentially competing against other spacecraft in orbit. In response to these developments, China has accused the United States of accelerating the militarization of space.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang (the transcript used "Gua Jacun" and "Bojakun", but given the context of Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson, the correct name is Geng Shuang) stated that China consistently upholds the peaceful use of outer space, maintains outer space security, and opposes weaponization, militarization, and an arms race in space. Beijing urged the US to cease expanding its military preparations in outer space and take concrete actions to safeguard global strategic stability. This criticism came just before China's private aerospace company, Orien Space, launched its Gravity-1 rocket from a maritime platform off Shanghai on September 16, successfully placing nine satellites into orbit.

The ninth satellite was identified as an EUHT high-speed wireless communications technology test satellite. Orien Space reported that the mission carried over three metric tons of payload to an altitude of approximately 800 kilometers, setting new Chinese records for payload mass and orbital altitude in a sea-based launch. Gravity-1 is touted by its developer as the world's most powerful operational solid propellant commercial rocket.

While public information describes the Gravity-1 mission primarily as a scheduled deployment for China's commercial broadband constellation, its broader strategic importance is notable. Solid fuel launch vehicles offer the advantage of being stored in a comparatively ready condition, while sea launch platforms provide flexibility in launch location. These capabilities could rapidly replace or expand spacecraft networks. The launch timing, just two days after the US announcement, sparks speculation about potential retaliation or a direct response to the newly disclosed US orbital weapons.

The general qualities of rapid deployment and resilience, demonstrated by such launches, are critically important for governments concerned about maintaining access to space during a crisis. The EUHT test satellite has garnered particular attention due to the limited public information available about its detailed payload. Chinese sources describe it as a communications technology demonstration spacecraft, but this description alone does not confirm whether the technology is exclusively for civilian use. The growing importance of resilient satellite networks underscores why military planners increasingly view space as more than just a support environment.

It specifically prohibits placing nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in orbit and imposes additional restrictions on military activity on celestial bodies. This framework shapes today's ongoing debate over space control. Meanwhile, Washington is developing another major space-related defense program under President Donald Trump.

Official Space Force information indicates that the program aims to develop a proliferated low Earth orbit constellation capable of engaging ballistic, hypersonic, and other missile threats during their angle phases of flight, with an initial demonstration capability planned for 2028. China and Russia have criticized Golden Dome, arguing that extensive space-based missile defenses could undermine strategic stability. Washington, however, frames the project as a defensive architecture designed to protect the United States against increasingly advanced missile threats.

Space is just one front in the widening technological rivalry between the US and China; artificial intelligence has become another major source of disagreement. This debate unfolds not only between Washington and Beijing but also within America's own technology industry. Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei recently called for deliberately paced advanced AI development, warning that capabilities may be improving faster than safeguards. His proposal has found support from other industry leaders.

Altman agreed that developers need to pace the frontier, while Musk concurred with Amodei's assessment. The argument becomes significantly more politically sensitive when China enters the discussion, particularly concerning tighter restrictions on China's access to advanced semiconductors and measures aimed at preventing certain technological transfers. China's state-backed Global Times attacked this combination of safety proposals and technology restrictions as a "Cold War approach" designed to preserve America's technological advantage.

Reuters reported that the Global Times characterized these proposals as an effort to constrain China's technological rise rather than merely managing global AI risks. Beijing has publicly rejected the framing of China as a threat to international AI development. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang (as above, for accuracy) asserted that the development of artificial intelligence concerns the common well-being of all humanity. He emphasized that all parties should collaborate to advance AI in an open, inclusive, universally beneficial, and good-oriented manner, cautioning against spreading threat narratives and engaging in confrontation.

President Trump has adopted a different approach from executives advocating a slower development pace, emphasizing maintaining American leadership and rapidly expanding the energy infrastructure necessary for AI data centers. Under the White House's ratepayer protection pledge, large energy infrastructure projects are prioritized. Trump stated his belief that America's goal must be to dominate the future, including being the number one superpower in artificial intelligence. This position reflects the strategic dimension of the competition.

AI is increasingly intertwined with economic productivity, cybersecurity, intelligence analysis, autonomous systems, and military planning. Neither Washington nor Beijing wants safety measures adopted by one side to become a competitive advantage for the other. China, meanwhile, is promoting its own international approach. At the BRICS summit in New Delhi on September 12-13, President Xi Jinping proposed establishing a BRICS AI open-source community and expanding cooperation on large language models, training, and AI applications.

The intensifying rivalry could soon move directly to the negotiating table. Trump is scheduled to meet Xi in Washington on September 24, with artificial intelligence expected to be among the subjects discussed. Reuters has reported preparations for a state dinner during Xi's visit, despite wider relations remaining strained by disputes involving trade, semiconductor technology, security, and Taiwan.

The United States aims to protect its technological advantages, arguing that stronger space and AI capabilities are essential for national security. Conversely, China asserts that Washington is using national security concerns to preserve technological dominance and restrict Chinese development. Despite these conflicting views, both governments acknowledge that their economies and militaries are becoming increasingly dependent on systems that are growing more vulnerable. This dependence spans from satellites orbiting hundreds of kilometers above Earth to critical infrastructure on the ground.

These developments signify a larger, unfolding story: satellite constellations are expanding, counter-space capabilities are becoming less secret, missile defense concepts are moving into orbit, and artificial intelligence is advancing rapidly. While governments and companies building these technologies disagree on the pace of development, the competition between Washington and Beijing is no longer confined to traditional domains. It now extends from data centers on the ground to spacecraft circling hundreds of kilometers above, with the governing rules of this competition still being written.